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"Singh's silently obsessed with his legacy. He keeps his counsel on issues that aren't central to his ideological agen- da," said the observer. For her part, Sonia's "much too forgiving" of errant col- leagues and allies. Little won- der the government with the best available political talent looks short on quality human resource. NCP's Sharad Pawar's love for cricket in the time of rising prices was a point of bother. But Mamata and Alagiri have been a source of unending discom- fort, run as they do their min- istries though remote control and proxies. They are more focused on their political ambi- tions back home. The Trinamool leader's brazenly Bengal-centric rail budget was cleared amid much drama in the Cabinet. The discussions ended when she broke down on being ques- tioned about certain proposals, and had to be consoled by a woman cabinet colleague. Alagiri's chronic absence from office and cabinet meet- ings is a dubious first even by coalition-standards. He cannot speak English or Hindi and has delegated most of his parlia- mentary/administrative duties to his MoS, Srikant Jena and departmental secretaries under his charge. The DMK minister did con- descend to attend the Cabinet meeting that slashed subsidy on urea. But it was Textile Minister Dayanidi Maran who articulated his populist oppo- sition to the proposal moved by his own ministry.
"It's family profligacy at its worst," said a UPA leader about DMK chief Karunanidhi's nom- inees. The appointees owe allegiance to family factions jostling for power in Tamil Nadu. Alagiri is the CM's own choice, Raja a prop of his daugh- ter Kanimozhi and Maran the nominee of his other son M.K. Such appeasement of the DMK is inexplicable, especial- ly when its government survives on Congress support in Tamil Nadu. Another instance this, of bad political management?
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